By Raymond Viger
To better understand the political world we currently find ourselves in, Reflet de Société met with Louise Harel, a political woman who has dedicated her life to provincial and municipal politics: elected for 27 years as a representative in Hochelaga-Maisonneuve, Minister of Immigration, Municipal Affairs, etc.…
The Political System
“We have a uninominal political system, which means there is only one round of voting. This system was formed in an era when elections were mostly composed of two parties facing off against each other, like the Lords and labour in England.” This method of organizing our elections was created in 1791.
“When politics became more complex, with an increase in the number of parties, this way of doing things became less and less efficient.”
The idea of modifying our political system is nothing new. In 1922 Arthur Sauvé, leader of the Quebec Conservative Party and leader of the opposition, tabled a resolution in the National Assembly deploring that the voting system “doesn’t faithfully and in exact proportion translate currents of public opinion that find their expression in the votes of the electorate,” his motion read in part. The Quebec Liberal Party voted down his resolution.
From 1969 onward, the Parti Québécois (PQ) platform foresaw “the improvement of the electoral system.” At the 1970 provincial elections, with 23% of the vote, the PQ only picked up 6.5% of the available seats – seven seats in total. PQ leader René Levesque declared that the uninominal system was “democratically defective.”
In 1971, Premier Robert Bourassa, leader of the Quebec Liberal Party, organized public hearings on the question. Bourassa limited himself to a reform of the Quebec electoral map, which was at the time the most unfair in Canada. But this did nothing to make electoral results any fairer. In 1973, with 30.1% of the vote, the P.Q. won only six seats.
After the PQ won a majority in the 1976 general election, Premier René Lévesque named Robert Burns as Minister of State for Electoral and Parliamentary Reform. But elected members wanted to hear nothing about reform, and Burns resigned in 1979.
The debate resurfaced in 1998 when Lucien Bouchard obtained a majority of seats for the PQ without winning a majority of the popular vote.
In 2003, Premier Jean Charest obtained a majority of 76 seats (60.8%) with only 45.9% of the vote. Jacques P. Dupuis was named Minister of Reform of Democratic Institutions. A special commission on the Elections Act examined the issue; consultations lasted until 2006. No consensus was reached between political parties, and the project was forgotten.
In 2016, five opposition parties (Parti québécois, Coalition avenir Québec, Québec solidaire, Parti vert du Québec and Option nationale) signed a non-partisan accord, a commitment to change the voting rules once they were in power. The Mouvement démocratie nouvelle (Movement for a New Democracy, MDN), a collective chaired by Jean-Pierre Charbonneau, former speaker of the National Assembly, firmly advocates proportional representation.
Louise Harel reminds us of the project’s sad history. “The system has to be changed. Many politicians and political parties agree. François Legault (Quebec’s current premier) promised and signed a commitment to make changes. He presented a bill, but it was never adopted.”
The Media
Mrs. Harel admits: “There is less contact between citizens and their elected representatives. Decisions are influenced by polling, which reflects what the electorate thinks and influences political parties’ positions.”
“The media focuses almost exclusively on the leadership battle. The absence of local newspapers is notable for a lack of information on representatives in their constituencies.”
In 2017, “Bill 122 was enacted, which no longer requires municipalities to publish their public notices in the media. Community media have lost a recurrent financing base.” Some municipalities have even created their own media to compete against their local media.
Louise Harel’s stand on this point is clear: “The electoral system has to permit a just and equitable level of visibility in the media. How can you explain that Éric Duhaime, leader of the Quebec Conservative Party, despite having won 15% of the vote, has no right to any visibility?”
According to Mrs. Harel, the consequences are dramatic. “Mass media only looks to polarize debates. That creates a feeling of citizen exclusion from power.”
Power
Mrs. Harel opens up an important societal debate. “How do you exercise participatory power? The rules aren’t always respected in a democracy, but in the case of dictatorships and authoritarian governments, it’s even worse.”
“To improve the situation, we have to elect more young people, more women, more diversity. Democratic financing can facilitate this more just representation. That’s what the law on party financing looks to do, first adopted by René Lévesque. You can stand for elected office even if you live in a small apartment and you’re not rich, which is the opposite of what happens in the United States.”
“Democracy lives within countervailing powers, like the administrative tribunal, the Charter of Human Rights and Freedoms, the ombudsman, the auditor general, and lots of other institutions. These are limits imposed on power to favor legal rights. Just because we’re elected doesn’t mean we can go ahead and do absolutely anything”
“In the past, parochial organizations were very important in bringing citizens together through different sporting, recreational and other activities. There are still organizations that hold participant activities like unions, co-ops, and community groups that can exercise a certain power.”
Louise Harel’s message is uncompromising: “It’s important to develop a critical spirit, to feel like we can change things, that we can make a difference. It’s fundamental that people get involved. Act for and according to our convictions. Be informed, and know what is available to us in public life.”
As seen in Reflet de Société, No. 33-1, septembre-octobre (September-October) 2024, pages 16-17.
Leave a Reply